Ukraine’s Relationship with Hungary Deteriorates Further
Misleading images, allegations of abuse, and anti‑Zelenskyy campaigns have fueled tensions. - writes Lili Rutai
Recent reports in the Hungarian media stirred outrage over the deaths of two Hungarians in Ukraine.
Independent Telex revealed that a young Hungarian man has died fighting in Ukraine. 21-year-old Benjámin Aser, whose parents live in Canada, has reportedly failed to turn up at his post in the Hungarian military and joined the elite 3rd Separate Assault Brigade before he lost his life in May.
Even more outlets have reported on József Sebestyén, a 45-year-old Hungarian-Ukrainian citizen from Transcarpathia, who died after conscription. His siblings told the Hungarian media that soldiers beat him with an iron rod. Videos of him show him on the ground, asking for help, but there are no visible signs of violence. Ukrainian authorities say he left his unit voluntarily, was hospitalized for acute stress, and died of a pulmonary embolism with no signs of physical injury.
Despite the uncertainty, and an ongoing Ukrainian investigation into Sebestyén’s death, the pro-government media and Fidesz politicians blame Ukraine with certainty. Misleading posts and conspiracy theories led to a strain in Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, already marred by a spy scandal and Orbán’s pro-Russia attitude.
Sanctions and manipulation
“The truth is that the war is closer than we think. (...) A Hungarian citizen was drafted against his will and then beaten to death. His crime was that he did not want to participate in a war that he had nothing to do with,” Viktor Orbán said in a Facebook post.
But when the PM posted a video about the case, he included images of another Ukrainian man in hospital. The caption “beaten to death” made viewers believe the footage is of the Hungarian man.
According to Andás Rácz, Russia expert, this shows that “the government’s propaganda openly and consciously lies about Ukraine.” He called the post “incitement and lies.”
Yet, the Fidesz government doubled down on blaming Ukraine. On Wednesday, Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó said he has requested Brussels to sanction three Ukrainian officials. “There is a hunt for people on Ukraine’s streets,” Szijjártó said in the video.
Ironically, Orbán’s government has repeatedly blocked EU sanctions against Moscow and Russian individuals, despite well-documented war crimes, including Russian drones hunting Ukrainian civilians in Kherson in what Human Rights Watch called a “human safari.”
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Sebestyén’s death is just the latest strain on the fragile relationship. Earlier this year, Hungary expelled two diplomats, after the Ukraine’s security service arrested two people accused of spying for Hungary.
In June, the Orbán government announced that 95% of their voters decided not to accept Ukraine into the European Union, based on a “national consultation” which over 2 million people filled out.
But, as multiple independent outlets pointed out, the online consultation had no verification, meaning people could complete it multiple times. The results have not been independently verified, and have no direct consequences, but it’s likely that the government will quote this result when debating Ukraine’s accession to the EU.
Ukraine’s EU membership has become a key element in Orbán’s campaign ahead of the 2026 general election, in which he will face his most popular opponent yet. Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz member, has condemned the government’s use of Sebestyén’s death as a campaign tool. This earned the ire of Fidesz, who said he was siding with Kyiv, in an attempt to smear him.
On the streets of Budapest, billboards depicting Magyar with Zelenskyy, in a bird’s nest, with eggshells, are supposed to mean that the Hungarian opposition and the Ukrainian government are unified.
“There are so many posters about Zelenskyy in Hungary that Hungarians might be confused about who they should vote for next year: Orbán or Zelenskyy,” one man from Transcarpathia joked in Telex’s report.
The Hungarian pro-governmental media criticized plans for Ukraine’s path towards accession to the EU, saying that the elderly could lose their pensions and the accession would endanger jobs. Orbán has posted an AI-generated video claiming that Hungarian men would have to fight on the frontline.
Meanwhile, pro-government newspaper Magyar Nemzet published an interview with the Russian Foreign Minister. Sergei Lavrov’s statements - including the denial of the annexation of Crimea and of the abduction of thousands of Ukrainian children - were published without context or comments.
“We value the balanced approach of the Hungarian leadership, which, despite unrelenting pressure coming from NATO and Brussels, maintains a pragmatic course in its relations with our country,” Lavrov told the newspaper, which is owned by a Fidesz-affiliated media foundation.
A complicated relationship
Ukraine and Hungary's relationship was bumpy even before the war. A 2017 education law (which was modified in 2020) made Ukrainian a mandatory language in schools, sparking a row over the education of the Hungarian minority.
Ethnic Hungarians, who Fidesz extended nationality to in 2010, are a key part in Orbán’s voter base. Despite the ban on dual nationality, many Ukrainians have taken the Hungarian passport, which allowed them to work in the EU, but made for an uncomfortable relationship.
In Transarpathia, members of the Hungarian minority complain of discrimination in their homeland. Yet, 83% would favor Ukraine’s EU membership, which is contrary to Fidesz’s rhetoric.
“Ukraine’s primary enemies are Russians and Putin, obviously. But the number two is Viktor Orbán,” a Ukrainian woman living in Hungary told me last year.
Since 2010, Hungary has drawn closer to Russia, including via oil sales, and the ongoing construction of the Paks 2 nuclear reactor, built by Russian contractors, using Russian loans.
But Orbán will face an uphill battle trying to convince his voters to become pro-Russian. His following base, mostly elderly people, who remember the Soviet times, and are unlikely to side with the Kremlin. And independent polls show that 51% of Hungarians still blame Russia for the continuation of the war.
There are tens of thousands of Ukrainian refugees living in Hungary. And in practice, the relationship between Ukrainians and Hungarians remains amicable.
Lili Rutai